The History Of Herodotus Volume 1 of 2

Page: 139

115 (return)
[ {os an einai 'Podopin}: so the MSS. Some Editors read {'Podopios}, others {'Podopi}.]

116 (return)
[ {antion de autout tou neou}.]

117 (return)
[ {epaphroditoi ginesthai}.]

118 (return)
[ {katekertomese min}: Athenæus says that Sappho attacked the mistress of Charaxos; but here {min} can hardly refer to any one but Charaxos himself, who doubtless would be included in the same condemnation.]

119 (return)
[ {propulaia}.]

120 (return)
[ "innumerable sights of buildings."]

121 (return)
[ {tassomenon}, "posted," like an army; but the text is probably unsound: so also in the next line, where the better MSS. have {men Boubasti poli}, others {e en Boubasti polis}. Stein reads {e en Boubasti poli}, "the earth at the city of Bubastis." Perhaps {e en Boubasti polis} might mean the town as opposed to the temple, as Mr. Woods suggests.]

122 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 161, {egeneto apo prophasios, ton k.t.l.} Perhaps however {prophasin} is here from {prophaino} (cp. Soph. Trach. 662), and it means merely "that the gods were foreshowing him this in order that," etc. So Stein.]

123 (return)
[ i.e. for their customary gift or tribute to him as king.]

124 (return)
[ The chronology is inconsistent, and some propose, without authority, to read "three hundred years."]

125 (return)
[ {tas arouras}, cp. ch. 168, where the {aroura} is defined as a hundred Egyptian units square, about three-quarters of an acre.]

126 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]

127 (return)
[ Not on two single occasions, but for two separate periods of time it was stated that the [sun] had risen in the West and set in the East; i.e. from East to West, then from West to East, then again from East to West, and finally back to East again. This seems to be the meaning attached by Herodotus to something which he was told about astronomical cycles.]

128 (return)
[ {ouk eontas}: this is the reading of all the best MSS., and also fits in best with the argument, which was that in Egypt gods were quite distinct from men. Most Editors however read {oikeontas} on the authority of a few MSS., "dwelling with men." (The reading of the Medicean MS. is {ouk eontas}, not {oukeontas} as stated by Stein.)]

129 (return)
[ i.e. that the Hellenes borrowed these divinities from Egypt, see ch. 43 ff. This refers to all the three gods above mentioned and not (as Stein contended) to [Pan] and Dionysos only.]

130 (return)
[ {kai toutous allous}, i.e. as well as Heracles; but it may mean "that these also, distinct from the gods, had been born," etc. The connexion seems to be this: "I expressed my opinion on all these cases when I spoke of the case of Heracles; for though the statement there about Heracles was in one respect inapplicable to the rest, yet in the main conclusion that gods are not born of men it applies to all."]

131 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]

132 (return)
[ {mneas}, of which 60 go to the talent.]

133 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 112.]

134 (return)
[ {neos}.]

135 (return)
[ I understand that each wall consisted of a single stone, which gave the dimensions each way: "as regards height and length" therefore it was made of a single stone. That it should have been a monolith, except the roof, is almost impossible, not only because of the size mentioned (which in any case is suspicious), but because no one would so hollow out a monolith that it would be necessary afterwards to put on another stone for the roof. The monolith chamber mentioned in ch. 175, which it took three years to convey from Elephantine, measured only 21 cubits by 14 by 8. The {parorophis} or "cornice" is not an "eave projecting four cubits," but (as the word is explained by Pollux) a cornice between ceiling and roof, measuring in this instance four cubits in height and formed by the thickness of the single stone: see Letronne, Recherches pour servir, etc. p. 80 (quoted by Bähr).]

136 (return)
[ {erpase}, "took as plunder."]

137 (return)
[ {aparti}: this word is not found in any MS. but was read here by the Greek grammarians.]

13701 (return)
[ i.e. 120,000.]

138 (return)
[ Cp. iv. 159.]

139 (return)
[ {kuneen}, perhaps the royal helmet or Pschent, cp. ch. 151.]

140 (return)
[ {apemataise}, euphemism for breaking wind.]

141 (return)
[ {oudena logon auto donta}: many Editors change {auto} to {eouto}, in which case it means "taking no time to consider the matter," as elsewhere in Herodotus; but cp. iii. 50 {istoreonti logon audena edidou}.]

142 (return)
[ {nomon}, and so throughout the passage.]

14201 (return)
[ i.e. 160,000.]

14202 (return)
[ i.e. 250,000.]

143 (return)
[ {arourai}, cp. ch. 141.]

144 (return)
[ {ekaston}: if {ekastoi} be read (for which there is more MS. authority) the meaning will be that "a thousand Calasirians and a thousand Hermotybians acted as guards alternately, each for a year," the number at a time being 1000 not 2000.]

14401 (return)
[ {pente mneai}.]

145 (return)
[ {arusteres},={kotulai}.]

146 (return)
[ {tou neou}.]

147 (return)
[ {e trokhoiedes kaleomene}, "the Wheel."]

148 (return)
[ The last words, "and when—again," are not found in the best MSS., and are omitted by Stein. However their meaning, if not expressed, is implied.]

149 (return)
[ {pugonos}.]

150 (return)
[ {tou autou eontes lithou}: some MSS. and many Editors have {Aithiopikou} for {tou autou}, "of Ethiopian stone." For {eontes} the MSS. have {eontos}, which may be right, referring to {tou bathrou} understood, "the base being made of," etc.]

151 (return)
[ {tou megalou}, a conjecture founded upon Valla's version, which has been confirmed by a MS. The other MSS. have {tou megarou}, which is retained by some Editors, "on each side of the sanctuary."]

152 (return)
[ "are claiming a share when no part in it belongs to them."]

153 (return)
[ Or possibly of alum: but the gift seems a very small one in any case. Some propose to read {eikosi mneas khrusou}.]

154 (return)
[ Or, according to a few MSS., "Battos the son of Arkesilaos."]

155 (return)
[ "thou hast surely perished."]


1. Against this Amasis then Cambyses the son of Cyrus was making his march, taking with him not only other nations of which he was ruler, but also Hellenes, both Ionians and Aiolians: 1 and the cause of the expedition was as follows:—Cambyses sent an envoy to Egypt and asked Amasis to give him his daughter; and he made the request by counsel of an Egyptian, who brought this upon Amasis 2 having a quarrel with him for the following reason:—at the time when Cyrus sent to Amasis and asked him for a physician of the eyes, whosoever was the best of those in Egypt, Amasis had selected him from all the physicians in Egypt and had torn him away from his wife and children and delivered him up to Persia. Having, I say, this cause of quarrel, the Egyptian urged Cambyses on by his counsel bidding him ask Amasis for his daughter, in order that he might either be grieved if he gave her, or if he refused to give her, might offend Cambyses. So Amasis, who was vexed by the power of the Persians and afraid of it, knew neither how to give nor how to refuse: for he was well assured that Cambyses did not intend to have her as his wife but as a concubine. So making account of the matter thus, he did as follows:—there was a daughter of Apries the former king, very tall and comely of form and the only person left of his house, and her name was Nitetis. This girl Amasis adorned with raiment and with gold, and sent her away to Persia as his own daughter: but after a time, when Cambyses saluted her calling her by the name of her father, the girl said to him: "O king, thou dost not perceive how thou hast been deceived by Amasis; for he adorned me with ornaments and sent me away giving me to thee as his own daughter, whereas in truth I am the daughter of Apries against whom Amasis rose up with the Egyptians and murdered him, who was his lord and master." These words uttered and this occasion having arisen, led Cambyses the son of Cyrus against Egypt, moved to very great anger.