Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς πλάνης τῆς Μενελάου λεχθέντα συνηγορεῖν δοκεῖ τῇ ἀγνοίᾳ τῇ περὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐκείνους, βέλτιον ἴσως ἐστὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι τούτοις ζητούμενα προεκθεμένους ἅμα ταῦτά τε διαστεῖλαι καὶ περὶ τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἀπολογήσασθαι καθαρώτερον. φησὶ δὴ πρὸς Τηλέμαχον ὁ Μενέλαος θαυμάσαντα τὸν τῶν βασιλείων κόσμον ἦ γὰρ πολλὰ παθὼν καὶ πόλλʼ ἐπαληθεὶς ἠγαγόμην ἐν νηυσί, καὶ ὀγδοάτῳ ἔτει ἦλθον Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθείς, Αἰθίοπάς θʼ ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους καὶ Ἐρεμβοὺς καὶ Λιβύην. ζητοῦσι δὲ πρὸς τίνας ἦλθεν Αἰθίοπας πλέων ἐξ Αἰγύπτου· οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττῃ οἰκοῦσί τινες Αἰθίοπες, οὔτε τοῦ Νείλου τοὺς καταράκτας ἦν διελθεῖν ναυσί· τίνες τε οἱ Σιδόνιοι· οὐ γὰρ οἵ γε ἐν Φοινίκῃ· οὐ γὰρ ἂν τὸ γένος προθεὶς τὸ εἶδος ἐπήνεγκε· τίνες τε οἱ Ἐρεμβοί· καινὸν γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα. Ἀριστόνικος μὲν οὖν ὁ καθʼ ἡμᾶς γραμματικὸς ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς Μενελάου πλάνης πολλῶν ἀναγέγραφεν ἀνδρῶν ἀποφάσεις περὶ ἑκάστου τῶν ἐκκειμένων κεφαλαίων· ἡμῖν δʼ ἀρκέσει κἂν ἐπιτέμνοντες λέγωμεν. οἱ μὲν δὴ πλεῦσαι φήσαντες εἰς τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν οἱ μὲν περίπλουν τῶν διὰ Γαδείρων μέχρι τῆς Ἰνδικῆς εἰσάγουσιν, ἅμα καὶ τὸν χρόνον τῇ πλάνῃ συνοικειοῦντες, ὅν φησιν ὅτι ὀγδοάτῳ ἔτει ἦλθον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἀράβιον κόλπον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν διωρύγων τινός. οὔτε δʼ ὁ περίπλους ἀναγκαῖος, ὃν Κράτης εἰσάγει, οὐχ ὡς ἀδύνατος εἶναι (καὶ γὰρ ἡ Ὀδυσσέως πλάνη ἀδύνατος), ἀλλʼ ὅτι οὔτε πρὸς τὰς ὑποθέσεις τὰς μαθηματικὰς χρήσιμος οὔτε πρὸς τὸν χρόνον τῆς πλάνης. καὶ γὰρ ἀκούσιοι διατριβαὶ κατέσχον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ δυσπλοίας, φήσαντος ὅτι ἀπὸ ἑξήκοντα νεῶν πέντε ἐλείφθησαν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἑκούσιοι χρηματισμοῦ χάριν· φησὶ γὰρ ὁ Νέστωρ ὣς ὁ μὲν ἔνθα πολὺν βίοτον καὶ χρυσὸν ἀγείρων, ἠλᾶτο ξὺν νηυσί· Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθείς. ὅ τε διὰ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ πλοῦς ἢ τῶν διωρύγων λεγόμενος μὲν ἠκούετο ἂν ἐν μύθου σχήματι, μὴ λεγόμενος δὲ περιττῶς καὶ ἀπιθάνως εἰσάγοιτο ἄν. ἀπιθάνως δὲ λέγω, ὅτι πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν οὐδεμία ἦν διῶρυξ· τὸν δὲ ἐπιχειρήσαντα ποιῆσαι Σέσωστριν ἀποστῆναί φασι, μετεωροτέραν ὑπολαβόντα τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἐπιφάνειαν. ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδʼ ὁ ἰσθμὸς ἦν πλόιμος· ἀλλʼ εἰκάζει ὁ Ἐρατοσθένης οὐκ εὖ. μὴ γάρ πω τὸ ἔκρηγμα τὸ κατὰ τὰς στήλας γεγονέναι νομίζει· ὥστε ἐνταῦθα μὴ συνάπτειν τὴν εἴσω θάλατταν τῇ ἐκτὸς καὶ καλύπτειν τὸν ἰσθμὸν μετεωροτέραν οὖσαν, τοῦ δʼ ἐκρήγματος γενομένου ταπεινωθῆναι καὶ ἀνακαλύψαι τὴν γῆν τὴν κατὰ τὸ Κάσιον καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μέχρι τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς. τίνα οὖν ἔχομεν ἱστορίαν περὶ τοῦ ἐκρήγματος τούτου διότι πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν οὔπω ὑπῆρχεν, ἴσως δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς ἅμα μὲν τὸν Ὀδυσσέα ταύτῃ διεκπλέοντα εἰς τὸν ὠκεανὸν πεποίηκεν ὡς ἤδη ἐκρήγματος γεγονότος, ἅμα δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν τὸν Μενέλαον ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ναυστολεῖ ὡς οὔπω γεγονότος. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Πρωτέα εἰσάγει λέγοντα αὐτῷ ἀλλά σʼ ἐς Ἠλύσιον πεδίον καὶ πείρατα γαίης ἀθάνατοι πέμψουσι. ποῖα οὖν; καὶ ὅτι ἑσπέριόν τινα λέγει τόπον τοῦτον ἔσχατον ὁ ζέφυρος παρατεθεὶς δηλοῖ ἀλλʼ αἰεὶ ζεφύροιο λιγὺ πνείοντας ἀήτας ὠκεανὸς ἀνίησι. ταῦτα γὰρ αἰνίγματος πλήρη.
As his description of the wanderings of Menelaus may seem to authenticate the charge of ignorance made against him in respect to those regions, it will perhaps be best to point out the difficulties of the narrative, and their explanation, and at the same time enter into a fuller defence of our poet. Menelaus thus addresses Telemachus, who is admiring the splendour of his palace: After numerous toils / And perilous wanderings o’er the stormy deep, / In the eighth year at last I brought them home. / Cyprus, Phoenicia, Sidon, and the shores / Of Egypt, roaming without hope, I reach’d, / In distant Ethiopia thence arrived, / And Libya. /
It is asked, What Ethiopians could he have met with on his voyage from Egypt? None are to be found dwelling by our sea, and with his vessels he could never have reached the cataracts of the Nile. Next, who are the Sidonians? Certainly not the inhabitants of Phoenicia; for leaving mentioned the genus, he would assuredly not particularize the species. And then the Erembi; this is altogether a new name. Our contemporary Aristonicus, the grammarian, in his [observations] on the wanderings of Menelaus, has recorded the opinions of numerous writers on each of the heads under discussion. It will be sufficient for us to refer to them very briefly. They who assert that Menelaus went by sea to Ethiopia, tell us he directed his course past Cadiz into the Indian Ocean; with which, say they, the long duration of his wanderings agrees, since he did not arrive there till the eighth year. Others, that he passed through the isthmus which enters the Arabian Gulf; and others again, through one of the canals. At the same time the idea of this circumnavigation, which owes its origin to Crates, is not necessary; we do not mean it was impossible, (for the wanderings of Ulysses are not impossible,) but neither the mathematical hypothesis, not yet the duration of the wandering, require such an explanation; for he was both retarded against his will by accidents in the voyage, as by [the tempest] which he narrates five only of his sixty ships survived; and also by voluntary delays for the sake of amassing wealth. Nestor says [of him], Thus he, provision gathering as he went, / And gold abundant, roam’d to distant lands. / [And Menelaus himself], Cyprus, Phoenicia, and the Egyptians’ land / I wandered through. /
As to the navigation of the isthmus, or one of the canals, if it had been related by Homer himself, we should have counted it a myth; but as he does not relate it, we regard it as entirely extravagant and unworthy of belief. We say unworthy of belief, because at the time of the Trojan war no canal was in existence. It is recorded that Sesostris, who had planned the formation of one, apprehending that the level of the sea was too high to admit of it, desisted from the undertaking.
Moreover the isthmus itself was not passable for ships, and Eratosthenes is unfortunate in his conjecture, for he considers that the strait at the Pillars was not then formed, so that the Atlantic should by that channel communicate with the Mediterranean, and that this sea being higher than the Isthmus [of Suez], covered it; but when the Strait [of Gibraltar] was formed, the sea subsided considerably; and left the land about Casium and Pelusium dry as far over as the Red Sea.
But what account have we of the formation of this strait, supposing it were not in existence prior to the Trojan war? Is it likely that our poet would make Ulysses sail out through the Strait [of Gibraltar] into the Atlantic Ocean, as if that strait already existed, and at the same time describe Menelaus conducting his ships from Egypt to the Red Sea, as if it did not exist. Further, the poet introduces Proteus as saying to him, Thee the gods / Have destined to the blest Elysian Isles, / Earth’s utmost boundaries. / And what this place was, namely, some far western region, is evident from [the mention of] the Zephyr in connexion with it: But Zephyr always gently from the sea / Breathes on them. / This, however, is very enigmatical.
εἰ δʼ οὖν καὶ σύρρουν ποτὲ ὑπάρξαντα τὸν ἰσθμὸν τοῦτον ὁ ποιητὴς ἱστορήκει, πόσῳ μείζονα ἂν ἔχοιμεν πίστιν τοῦ τοὺς Αἰθίοπας διχθὰ διῃρῆσθαι, πορθμῷ τηλικούτῳ διειργομένους; τίς δὲ καὶ χρηματισμὸς παρὰ τῶν ἔξω καὶ κατὰ τὸν ὠκεανὸν Αἰθιόπων; ἅμα μὲν γὰρ θαυμάζουσι τοῦ κόσμου τῶν βασιλείων οἱ περὶ Τηλέμαχον τὸ πλῆθος ὅ ἐστι χρυσοῦ τʼ ἠλέκτρου τε καὶ ἀργύρου ἠδʼ ἐλέφαντος. τούτων δʼ οὐδενὸς πλὴν ἐλέφαντος εὐπορία παρʼ ἐκείνοις ἐστίν, ἀπορωτάτοις τῶν ἁπάντων οὖσι τοῖς πλείστοις καὶ νομάσι. νὴ Δία, ἀλλʼ ἡ Ἀραβία προσῆν καὶ τὰ μέχρι τῆς Ἰνδικῆς· τούτων δʼ ἡ μὲν εὐδαίμων κέκληται μόνη τῶν ἁπασῶν, τὴν δέ, εἰ καὶ μὴ ὀνομαστὶ καλοῦσιν, οὕτως ὑπολαμβάνουσί γε καὶ ἱστοροῦσιν ὡς εὐδαιμονεστάτην. τὴν μὲν οὖν Ἰνδικὴν οὐκ οἶδεν Ὅμηρος (εἰδὼς δὲ ἐμέμνητο ἄν), τὴν δʼ Ἀραβίαν, ἣν εὐδαίμονα προσαγορεύουσιν οἱ νῦν, τότε δʼ οὐκ ἦν πλουσία, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὴ ἄπορος καὶ ἡ πολλὴ αὐτῆς σκηνιτῶν ἀνδρῶν· ὀλίγη δʼ ἡ ἀρωματοφόρος, διʼ ἣν καὶ τοῦτο τοὔνομα εὕρετο ἡ χώρα διὰ τὸ καὶ τὸν φόρτον εἶναι τὸν τοιοῦτον ἐν τοῖς παρʼ ἡμῖν σπάνιον καὶ τίμιον. νυνὶ μὲν οὖν εὐποροῦσι καὶ πλουτοῦσι διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν ἐμπορίαν εἶναι πυκνὴν καὶ δαψιλῆ, τότε δʼ οὐκ εἰκός. αὐτῶν δὲ χάριν τῶν ἀρωμάτων ἐμπόρῳ μὲν καὶ καμηλίτῃ γένοιτʼ ἄν τις ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων φορτίων εὐπορία· Μενελάῳ δὲ λαφύρων ἢ δωρεῶν ἔδει παρὰ βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν, ἐχόντων τε ἃ δώσουσι καὶ βουλομένων διὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ εὔκλειαν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ οἱ πλησίον Αἰθίοπες καὶ Ἄραβες οὔθʼ οὕτω τελέως ἄβιοι οὔτʼ ἀνήκοοι τῆς τῶν Ἀτρειδῶν δόξης, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν κατόρθωσιν τοῦ Ἰλιακοῦ πολέμου, ὥστʼ ἐλπὶς ἦν τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὠφελείας· καθάπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ θώρακος τοῦ Ἀγαμέμνονος λέγεται τόν ποτέ οἱ Κινύρης δῶκε ξεινήιον εἶναι· πεύθετο γὰρ Κύπρονδε μέγα κλέος. καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν πλείω χρόνον τῆς πλάνης λεκτέον μὲν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Φοινίκην καὶ Συρίαν καὶ Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ περὶ Κύπρον χωρία καὶ ὅλως τὴν καθʼ ἡμᾶς παραλίαν καὶ τὰς νήσους· καὶ γὰρ ξένια παρὰ τούτοις καὶ τὸ βίᾳ καὶ τὸ ἐκ λεηλασίας πορίσασθαι, καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ τῶν συμμαχησάντων τοῖς Τρωσίν, ἐντεῦθεν ἦν. οἱ δʼ ἐκτὸς καὶ πόρρω βάρβαροι οὐδεμίαν τοιαύτην ὑπηγόρευον ἐλπίδα. εἰς οὖν τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν ἀφῖχθαι λέγεται ὁ Μενέλαος, οὐχ ὅτι […] μέχρι τῶν ὅρων τῶν πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ. τάχα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πλησιαίτεροι ἦσαν ταῖς Θήβαις οἱ τότε ὅροι, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ νῦν πλησίον εἰσίν, οἱ κατὰ Συήνην καὶ τὰς Φίλας· ὧν ἡ μὲν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐστίν, αἱ δὲ Φίλαι κοινὴ κατοικία τῶν Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. ὁ οὖν εἰς Θήβας ἀφιγμένος εἰ καὶ μέχρι τῶν ὅρων ἀφῖκτο ἢ καὶ περαιτέρω τῶν Αἰθιόπων, καὶ ταῦτα τῇ βασιλικῇ ξενίᾳ χρώμενος, οὐδὲν ἄλογον. οὕτω δὲ καὶ Κυκλώπων εἰς γαῖαν ἀφῖχθαί φησιν ὁ Ὀδυσσεύς, μέχρι τοῦ σπηλαίου προεληλυθὼς ἀπὸ θαλάττης· ἐπʼ ἐσχατιᾶς γὰρ ἱδρῦσθαί που λέγει. καὶ εἰς Αἰολίαν δὲ καὶ Λαιστρυγόνας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅπου ποτὲ καὶ καθωρμίσατο, ἐκεῖσέ φησιν ἀφῖχθαι. καὶ ὁ Μενέλαος οὖν οὕτως εἰς Αἰθιοπίαν ἧκεν, οὕτω δὲ καὶ εἰς Λιβύην, ὅτι προσέσχε τόποις τισίν· ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν Ἀρδανίαν λιμὴν τὴν ὑπὲρ Παραιτονίου Μενέλαος καλεῖται.
But if our poet speaks of the Isthmus of Suez as ever having been the strait of confluence between the Mediterranean and the Red Seas, how much more credit may we attribute to his division of the Ethiopians into two portions, being thus separated by so grand a strait! And what commerce could he have carried on with the Ethiopians who dwelt by the shores of the exterior sea and the ocean? Telemachus and his companions admire the multitude of ornaments that were in the palace, Of gold, electrum, silver, ivory. / Now the Ethiopians are possessed of none of these productions in any abundance, excepting ivory, being for the most part a needy and nomad race. True, [you say,] but adjoining them is Arabia, and the whole country as far as India. One of these is distinguished above all other lands by the title of Felix, and the other, though not dignified by that name, is both generally believed and also said to be preeminently Blessed.
But [we reply], Homer was not acquainted with India, or he would have described it. And though he knew of the Arabia which is now named Felix, at that time it was by no means wealthy, but a wild country, the inhabitants of which dwelt for the most part in tents. It is only a small district which produces the aromatics from which the whole territory afterwards received its name, owing to the rarity of the commodity amongst us, and the value set upon it. That the Arabians are now flourishing and wealthy is due to their vast and extended traffic, but formerly it does not appear to have been considerable. A merchant or camel-driver might attain to opulence by the sale of these aromatics and similar commodities; but Menelaus could only become so either by plunder, or presents conferred on him by kings and nobles, who had the means at their disposal, and wished to gratify one so distinguished by glory and renown. The Egyptians, it is true, and the neighbouring Ethiopians and Arabians, were not so entirely destitute of the luxuries of civilization, nor so unacquainted with the fame of Agamemnon, especially after the termination of the Trojan war, but that Menelaus might have expected some benefits from their generosity, even as the breastplate of Agamemnon is said to be The gift / Of Cinyras long since; for rumour loud / Had Cyprus reached. / And we are told that the greater part of his wanderings were in Phoenicia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, around Cyprus, and, in fact, the whole of our coasts and islands. Here, indeed, he might hope to enrich himself both by the gifts of friendship and by violence, and especially by the plunder of those who had been the allies of Troy. They however who dwelt on the exterior ocean, and the distant barbarians, held out no such encouragement: and when Menelaus is said to have been in Ethiopia, it is because he had reached the frontiers of that country next Egypt. But perhaps at that time the frontiers lay more contiguous to Thebes than they do now. At the present day the nearest are the districts adjacent to Syene and Philae, the former town being entirely in Egypt, while Philae is inhabited by a mixed population of Ethiopians and Egyptians. Supposing therefore he had arrived at Thebes, and thus reached the boundary-line of Ethiopia, where he experienced the munificence of the king, we must not be surprised if he is described as having passed through the country. On no better authority Ulysses declares he has been to the land of the Cyclops, although he merely left the sea to enter a cavern which he himself tells us was situated on the very borders of the country: and, in fact, wherever he came to anchor, whether at Aeolia, Laestrygonia, or elsewhere, he is stated to have visited those places. In the same manner Menelaus is said to have been to Ethiopia and Libya, because here and there he touched at those places, and the port near Ardania above Paraetonium is called after him the port of Menelaus.
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