καὶ Πολύβιος δʼ ὀρθῶς ὑπονοεῖ τὰ περὶ τῆς πλάνης· τὸν γὰρ Αἰόλον τὸν προσημαίνοντα τοὺς ἔκπλους ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὸν πορθμὸν τόποις ἀμφιδρόμοις οὖσι καὶ δυσέκπλοις διὰ τὰς παλιρροίας ταμίαν τε εἰρῆσθαι τῶν ἀνέμων καὶ βασιλέα νενομίσθαι φησί, καθάπερ Δαναὸν μὲν τὰ ὑδρεῖα τὰ ἐν Ἄργει παραδείξαντα, Ἀτρέα δὲ τοῦ ἡλίου τὸν ὑπεναντίον τῷ οὐρανῷ δρόμον, μάντεις τε καὶ ἱεροσκοπουμένους ἀποδείκνυσθαι βασιλέας, τούς θʼ ἱερέας τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Χαλδαίους καὶ Μάγους σοφίᾳ τινὶ διαφέροντας τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμονίας καὶ τιμῆς τυγχάνειν παρὰ τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν, οὕτω δὲ καὶ τῶν θεῶν ἕνα ἕκαστον τῶν χρησίμων τινὸς εὑρετὴν γενόμενον τιμᾶσθαι. ταῦτα δὲ προοικονομησάμενος οὐκ ἐᾷ τὸν Αἰόλον ἐν μύθου σχήματι ἀκούεσθαι οὐδʼ ὅλην τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην, ἀλλὰ μικρὰ μὲν προσμεμυθεῦσθαι καθάπερ καὶ τῷ Ἰλιακῷ πολέμῳ, τὸ δʼ ὅλον περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ τῷ ποιητῇ πεποιῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συγγραφεῦσιν, ὅσοι τὰ περιχώρια λέγουσι τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν. οὐκ ἐπαινεῖ δὲ οὐδὲ τὴν τοιαύτην τοῦ Ἐρατοσθένους ἀπόφασιν, διότι φησὶ τότʼ ἂν εὑρεῖν τινα ποῦ Ὀδυσσεὺς πεπλάνηται, ὅταν εὕρῃ τὸν σκυτέα τὸν συρράψαντα τὸν τῶν ἀνέμων ἀσκόν. καὶ τοῦτο δʼ οἰκείως εἰρῆσθαι τοῖς συμβαίνουσι περὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον καὶ τὴν θήραν τῶν γαλεωτῶν τὸ ἐπὶ τῆς Σκύλλης αὐτοῦ δʼ ἰχθυάᾳ σκόπελον περιμαιμώωσα δελφῖνάς τε κύνας τε, καὶ εἴ ποθι μεῖζον ἕλῃσι κῆτος. τοὺς γὰρ θύννους ἀγεληδὸν φερομένους παρὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἐπειδὰν ἐμπέσωσι καὶ κωλυθῶσι τῆς Σικελίας ἅψασθαι, περιπίπτειν τοῖς μείζοσι τῶν ζῴων, οἷον δελφίνων καὶ κυνῶν καὶ ἄλλων κητωδῶν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς θήρας αὐτῶν πιαίνεσθαι τοὺς γαλεώτας, οὓς καὶ ξιφίας λέγεσθαι καὶ κύνας φησί· συμβαίνειν γὰρ ταὐτὸν ἐνθάδε καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀναβάσεις τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑδάτων, ὅπερ ἐπὶ πυρὸς καὶ ὕλης ἐμπιπραμένης· ἀθροιζόμενα γὰρ τὰ θηρία φεύγειν τὸ πῦρ ἢ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ βορὰν γίνεσθαι τοῖς κρείττοσι.
The conjecture of Polybius in regard to the particulars of the wandering of Ulysses is excellent. He says that Aeolus instructed sailors how to navigate the strait, a difficult matter on account of the currents occasioned by the ebb and flow. and was therefore called the dispenser of the winds, and reputed their king.
In like manner Danaus for pointing out the springs of water that were in Argos, and Atreus for showing the retrograde movement of the sun in the heavens, from being mere soothsayers and diviners, were raised to the dignity of kings. And the priests of the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and Magi, distinguished for their wisdom above those around them, obtained from our predecessors honour and authority; and so it is that in each of the gods, we worship the discoverer of some useful art.
Having thus introduced his subject, he does not allow us to consider the account of Aeolus, nor yet the rest of the Odyssey, as altogether mythical. There is a spice of the fabulous here, as well as in the Trojan War, but as respects Sicily, the poet accords entirely with the other historians who have written on the local traditions of Sicily and Italy. He altogether denies the justness of Eratosthenes’ dictum, that we may hope to discover the whereabout of Ulysses’ wanderings, when we can find the cobbler who sewed up the winds in the leathern sack. “And [adds Polybius] his description of the hunt of the galeotes at Scylla, ‘Plunged to her middle in the horrid den / She lurks, protruding from the black abyss / Her heads, with which the ravening monster dives / In quest of dolphins, dog-fish, or of prey / More bulky, / accords well with what takes place around Scyllaeum: for the thunny-fish, carried in shoals by Italy, and not being able to reach Sicily, fall into [the Strait], where they become the prey of larger fish, such as dolphins, dog-fish, and other cetacea, and it is by this means that the galeotes (which are also called sword-fish) and dogs fatten themselves. For the same thing occurs here, and at the rising of the Nile and other rivers, as takes place when a forest is on fire. Vast crowds of animals, in flying from the fire or the water, become the prey of beasts more powerful than themselves.”
ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν διηγεῖται τῶν γαλεωτῶν θήραν, ἣ συνίσταται περὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον· σκοπὸς γὰρ ἐφέστηκε κοινὸς ὑφορμοῦσιν ἐν δικώποις σκαφιδίοις πολλοῖς, δύο καθʼ ἕκαστον σκαφίδιον· καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐλαύνει, ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς πρώρας ἕστηκε δόρυ ἔχων, σημήναντος τοῦ σκοποῦ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ γαλεώτου· φέρεται δὲ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἔξαλον τὸ ζῷον. συνάψαντος δὲ τοῦ σκάφους, ὁ μὲν ἔπληξεν ἐκ χειρός, εἶτʼ ἐξέσπασεν ἐκ τοῦ σώματος τὸ δόρυ χωρὶς τῆς ἐπιδορατίδος· ἀγκιστρώδης τε γάρ ἐστι καὶ χαλαρῶς ἐνήρμοσται τῷ δόρατι ἐπίτηδες, καλώδιον δʼ ἔχει μακρὸν ἐξημμένον· τοῦτʼ ἐπιχαλῶσι τῷ τρωθέντι τέως ἕως ἂν κάμῃ σφαδάζον καὶ ὑποφεῦγον· τότε δʼ ἕλκουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, ἢ εἰς τὸ σκάφος ἀναλαμβάνουσιν, ἐὰν μὴ μέγα ᾖ τελέως τὸ σῶμα. κἂν ἐκπέσῃ δὲ εἰς τὴν θάλατταν τὸ δόρυ, οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν· ἔστι γὰρ πηκτὸν ἔκ τε δρυὸς καὶ ἐλάτης, ὥστε βαπτιζομένου τοῦ δρυΐνου βάρει μετέωρον εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ εὐανάληπτον. συμβαίνειν δέ ποτε καὶ τιτρώσκεσθαι διὰ τοῦ σκαφιδίου τὸν κωπηλάτην διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ξίφους τῶν γαλεωτῶν καὶ τὸ τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ ζῴου συαγρώδη εἶναι καὶ τὴν θήραν. ἔκ τε δὴ τῶν τοιούτων εἰκάζοι τις ἄν, φησί, περὶ Σικελίαν γενέσθαι τὴν πλάνην κατὰ τὸν Ὅμηρον, ὅτι τῇ Σκύλλῃ προσῆψε τὴν τοιαύτην θήραν ἣ μάλιστʼ ἐπιχώριός ἐστι τῷ Σκυλλαίῳ, καὶ ἐκ τῶν περὶ τῆς Χαρύβδεως λεγομένων ὁμοίων τοῖς τοῦ πορθμοῦ πάθεσι. τὸ δέ τρὶς μὲν γάρ τʼ ἀνίησιν ἀντὶ τοῦ δίς, γραφικὸν εἶναι ἁμάρτημα ἢ ἱστορικόν.
He then goes on to describe the manner in which they catch the sword-fish at Scyllaeum. One look-out directs the whole body of fishers, who are in a vast number of small boats, each furnished with two oars, and two men to each boat. One man rows, the other stands on the prow, spear in hand, while the look-out has to signal the appearance of a sword-fish. (This fish, when swimming, has about a third of its body above water.) As it passes the boat, the fisher darts the spear from his hand, and when this is withdrawn, it leaves the sharp point with which it is furnished sticking in the flesh of the fish: this point is barbed, and loosely fixed to the spear for the purpose; it has a long end fastened to it; this they pay out to the wounded fish, till it is exhausted with its struggling and endeavours at escape. Afterwards they trail it to the shore, or, unless it is too large and full-grown, haul it into the boat. If the spear should fall into the sea, it is not lost, for it is jointed of oak and pine, so that when the oak sinks on account of its weight, it causes the other end to rise, and thus is easily recovered. It sometimes happens that the rower is wounded, even through the boat, and such is the size of the sword with which the galeote is armed, such the strength of the fish, and the method of the capture, that [in danger] it is not surpassed by the chase of the wild boar. From these facts (he says) we may conclude that Ulysses’ wanderings were close to Sicily, since Homer describes Scylla as engaging in a pursuit exactly similar to that which is carried on at Scyllaeum. As to Charybdis, he describes just what takes place at the Strait of Messina: Each day she thrice disgorges, / instead of twice, being only a mistake, either of the scribe or the historian.
καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ Μήνιγγι δὲ τοῖς περὶ τῶν Λωτοφάγων εἰρημένοις συμφωνεῖν. εἰ δέ τινα μὴ συμφωνεῖ, μεταβολὰς αἰτιᾶσθαι δεῖν ἢ ἄγνοιαν ἢ καὶ ποιητικὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἣ συνέστηκεν ἐξ ἱστορίας καὶ διαθέσεως καὶ μύθου. τῆς μὲν οὖν ἱστορίας ἀλήθειαν εἶναι τέλος, ὡς ἐν νεῶν καταλόγῳ τὰ ἑκάστοις τόποις συμβεβηκότα λέγοντος τοῦ ποιητοῦ, τὴν μὲν πετρήεσσαν τὴν δὲ ἐσχατόωσαν πόλιν, ἄλλην δὲ πολυτρήρωνα, τὴν δʼ ἀγχίαλον· τῆς δὲ διαθέσεως ἐνέργειαν εἶναι τὸ τέλος, ὡς ὅταν μαχομένους εἰσάγῃ, μύθου δὲ ἡδονὴν καὶ ἔκπληξιν. τὸ δὲ πάντα πλάττειν οὐ πιθανόν, οὐδʼ Ὁμηρικόν· τὴν γὰρ ἐκείνου ποίησιν φιλοσόφημα πάντας νομίζειν, οὐχ ὡς Ἐρατοσθένης φησί, κελεύων μὴ κρίνειν πρὸς τὴν διάνοιαν τὰ ποιήματα, μηδʼ ἱστορίαν ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ζητεῖν. πιθανώτερόν τε τό ἔνθεν δʼ ἐννῆμαρ φερόμην ὀλοοῖς ἀνέμοισιν ἐν βραχεῖ διαστήματι δέχεσθαι (οἱ γὰρ ὀλοοὶ οὐκ εὐθύδρομοι) ἢ ἐξωκεανίζειν, ὡς ἂν οὐρίων πνεόντων συνεχῶς. συνθεὶς δὲ τὸ διάστημα τὸ ἐκ Μαλεῶν ἐπὶ στήλας σταδίων δισμυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων πεντακοσίων, εἰ, φησί, τοῦτο θείημεν ἐν ταῖς ἐννέα ἡμέραις διηνύσθαι ἰσοταχῶς, ἑκάστης ἂν ἡμέρας ὁ πλοῦς συμβαίνοι σταδίων δισχιλίων πεντακοσίων. τίς οὖν ἱστόρηκεν ἐκ Λυκίας ἢ Ῥόδου δευτεραῖόν τινα ἀφιγμένον εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ὄντος τοῦ διαστήματος σταδίων τετρακισχιλίων; πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπιζητοῦντας πῶς τρὶς εἰς Σικελίαν ἐλθὼν οὐδʼ ἅπαξ διὰ τοῦ πορθμοῦ πέπλευκεν Ὀδυσσεύς, ἀπολογεῖται διότι καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἔφευγον ἅπαντες τὸν πλοῦν τοῦτον.
The customs of the inhabitants of Meninx closely correspond to the description of the Lotophagi. If any thing does not correspond, it should be attributed to change, or to misconception, or to poetical licence, which is made up of history, rhetoric, and fiction. Truth is the aim of the historical portion, as for instance in the Catalogue of Ships, where the poet informs us of the peculiarities of each place, that one is rocky, another the furthest city, that this abounds in doves. and that is maritime. A lively interest is the end of the rhetorical, as when he points to us the combat; and of the fiction, pleasure and astonishment. A mere fabrication would neither be persuasive nor Homeric; and we know that his poem is generally considered a scientific treatise, notwithstanding what Eratosthenes may say, when he bids us not to judge poems by the standard of intellect, nor yet look to them for history.
It is most probable that the line Nine days by cruel storms thence was I borne / Athwart the fishy deep, / should be understood of merely a short distance, (for cruel storms do not blow in a right course,) and not of being carried beyond the ocean, as if impelled by favourable winds. And, says Polybius, allowing the distance from Malea to the Pillars to be 22,500 stadia, and supposing the rate of passage was the same throughout the nine days, the voyage must have been accomplished at the speed of 2500 stadia per diem: now who has ever recorded that the passage from Lycia or Rhodes to Alexandria, a distance of 4000 stadia, has been made in two days? To those who demand how it was that Ulysses, though he journeyed thrice to Sicily, never once navigated the Strait, we reply that, long after his time, voyagers always sedulously avoided that route.
τοιαῦτα μὲν εἴρηκεν. ἔστι δὲ τἆλλα μὲν εὖ λεγόμενα· ὅταν δʼ ἀνασκευάζῃ τὸν ἐξωκεανιζόμενον καὶ πρὸς ἀκριβῆ μέτρα τὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν πλοῦν ἀνάγῃ καὶ διαστήματα, ὑπερβολὴν οὐκ ἀπολείπει τῆς ἀνομολογίας. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ παρατίθησι τὰ τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἔπη ἔνθεν δʼ ἐννῆμαρ φερόμην ὀλοοῖς ἀνέμοισιν, ἅμα δʼ ἐπικρύπτεται· καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα τοῦ ποιητοῦ αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ ποταμοῖο λίπεν ῥόον ὠκεανοῖο νηῦς, καὶ τὸ νήσῳ ἐν Ὠγυγίῃ, ὅθι τʼ ὀμφαλός ἐστι θαλάσσης, καὶ ὅτι ἐνταῦθα οἰκεῖ Ἄτλαντος θυγάτηρ, καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν Φαιάκων οἰκέομεν δʼ ἀπάνευθε πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ ἔσχατοι· οὐ δέ τις ἄμμι βροτῶν ἐπιμίσγεται ἄλλος. ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα φανερῶς ἐν τῷ Ἀτλαντικῷ πελάγει πλαττόμενα δηλοῦται. ὁ δὲ ταῦτʼ ἐπικρυπτόμενος τὰ φανερῶς λεγόμενα ἀναιρεῖ. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ εὖ· τὸ δὲ περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν γεγονέναι τὴν πλάνην ὀρθῶς, ἐπεὶ τίς ἔπεισε ποιητὴς ἢ συγγραφεὺς Νεαπολίτας μὲν λέγειν μνῆμα Παρθενόπης τῆς Σειρῆνος, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κύμῃ καὶ Δικαιαρχείᾳ καὶ Βεσβίῳ Πυριφλεγέθοντα καὶ Ἀχερουσίαν λίμνην καὶ νεκυομαντεῖον τὸ ἐν τῷ Ἀόρνῳ καὶ Βάιον καὶ Μισηνὸν τῶν Ὀδυσσέως ἑταίρων τινάς; οὕτω δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Σειρηνούσσας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν πορθμὸν καὶ Σκύλλαν καὶ Χάρυβδιν καὶ Αἰόλον· ἅπερ οὔτʼ ἀκριβῶς ἐξετάζειν δεῖ οὔτʼ ἄρριζα καὶ ἀνέστια ἐᾶν, ἀληθείας μηδὲν προσαπτόμενα μηδʼ ὠφελείας ἱστορικῆς.
Such are the sentiments of Polybius; and in many respects they are correct enough; but when he discusses the voyage beyond the ocean, and enters on minute calculations of the proportion borne by the distance to the number of days, he is greatly mistaken. He alleges perpetually the words of the poet, Nine days by cruel storms thence was I borne; / but at the same time he takes no notice of this expression, which is his as well, And now borne sea-ward from the river stream / Of the Oceanus; / and this, In the island of Ogygia, the centre of the sea, / and that the daughter of Atlas dwells there. And the following concerning the Phaeacians, Remote amid the billowy deep, we hold / Our dwelling, utmost of all human kind, / And free from mixture with a foreign race. /
These passages clearly refer to the Atlantic Ocean, but though so plainly expressed, Polybius slily manages to overlook them. Here he is altogether wrong, though quite correct about the wandering of Ulysses having taken place round Sicily and Italy, a fact which Homer establishes himself. Otherwise, what poet or writer could have persuaded the Neapolitans to assert that they possessed the tomb of Parthenope the Siren, or the inhabitants of Cumae, Dicaearchia, and Vesuvius [to bear their testimony] to Pyriphlegethon, the Marsh of Acherusia, to the oracle of the dead which was near Aornus, and to Baius and Misenus, the companions of Ulysses. The same is the case with the Sirenussae, and the Strait of Messina, and Scylla, and Charybdis, and Aeolus, all which things should neither be examined into too rigorously, nor yet [despised] as groundless and without foundation, alike remote from truth and historic value.
καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπονοήσας τοῦτο ὁ Ἐρατοσθένης, ὑπολάβοι τις ἄν, φησί, τὸν ποιητὴν βούλεσθαι μὲν ἐν τοῖς προσεσπερίοις τόποις τὴν πλάνην τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ ποιεῖν, ἀποστῆναι δʼ ἀπὸ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, τὰ μὲν οὐκ ἀκριβῶς πεπυσμένον, τὰ δὲ οὐδὲ προελόμενον οὕτως, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὸ δεινότερον καὶ τὸ τερατωδέστερον ἕκαστα ἐξάγειν. τοῦτο μὲν αὐτὸ εὖ, τὸ δʼ οὗ χάριν τοῦτʼ ἐποίει κακῶς δεξάμενος· οὐ γὰρ φλυαρίας, ἀλλʼ ὠφελείας χάριν. ὥστε δίκαιός ἐστιν ὑπέχειν λόγον καὶ περὶ τούτου καὶ διότι φησὶ τὰ πόρρω τερατολογεῖσθαι μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ εὐκατάψευστον. πολλοστὸν γὰρ μέρος ἐστὶ τὰ πόρρω τερατολογούμενα τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ ἐγγὺς τῆς Ἑλλάδος· οἷα δὴ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλέους ἄθλους καὶ Θησέως καὶ τὰ ἐν Κρήτῃ καὶ Σικελίᾳ μυθευόμενα καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις νήσοις, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα καὶ Ἑλικῶνα καὶ Παρνασσὸν καὶ Πήλιον καὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὅλην καὶ Πελοπόννησον· οὐδείς τε ἐκ τῶν μύθων ἄγνοιαν αἰτιᾶται τῶν μυθοποιῶν. ἔτι δὲ ἐπεὶ οὐ πάντα μυθεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ πλείω προσμυθεύουσι, καὶ μάλιστα Ὅμηρος, ὁ ζητῶν τί οἱ παλαιοὶ προσμυθεύουσιν οὐ ζητεῖ, εἰ τὰ προσμυθευόμενα ὑπῆρξεν ἢ ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον οἷς προσμυθεύεται τόποις ἢ προσώποις, περὶ ἐκείνων ζητεῖ τἀληθές, οἷον τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην, εἰ γέγονε καὶ ποῦ.
Eratosthenes seems to have had something like this view of the case himself, when he says, Any one would believe that the poet intended the western regions as the scene of Ulysses’ wanderings, but that he has departed from fact, sometimes through want of perfect information, at other times because he wished to give to scenes a more terrific and marvellous appearance than they actually possessed. So far this is true, but his idea of the object which the poet had in view while composing, is false; real advantage, not trifling, being his aim. We may justly reprehend his assertion on this point, as also where he says, that Homer places the scene of his marvels in distant lands that he may lie the more easily. Remote localities have not furnished him with near so many wonderful narrations as Greece, and the countries thereto adjacent; witness the labours of Hercules, and Theseus, the fables concerning Crete, Sicily, and the other islands; besides those connected with Cithaerum, Helicon, Parnassus, Pelion, and the whole of Attica and the Peloponnesus. Let us not therefore tax the poets with ignorance on account of the myths which they employ, and since, so far from myth being the staple, they for the most part avail themselves of actual occurrences, (and Homer does this in a remarkable degree,) the inquirer who will seek how far these ancient writers have wandered into fiction, ought not to scrutinize to what extent the fiction was carried, but rather what is the truth concerning those places and persons to which the fictions have been applied; for instance, whether the wanderings of Ulysses did actually occur, and where.
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