Plutarch · Life of Brutus Βροῦτος

Plutarch, Life of Brutus 28.1–29.11: Brutus and Cassius meet at Smyrna

Brutus writes to Hortensius to kill Caius Antonius to avenge Cicero and Brutus Albinus, and he crosses into Asia and equips a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicus. He recalls Cassius from his expedition to Egypt, and they meet at Smyrna, each with an army and money after setting out as exiles. Plutarch contrasts Cassius, feared for his harshness, with Brutus, trusted for his principles, and quotes Brutus' letter to Atticus.

Sections 28.1–29.11 · 889 words · click a number to copy its link

τούτων οὖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπαγγελθέντων ἐκβιασθεὶς ὁ Βροῦτος ἔγραψεν Ὁρτησίῳ κτεῖναι Γάϊον Ἀντώνιον, ὡς δὴ Βρούτῳ τε καὶ Κικέρωνι τιμωρῶν, τῷ μὲν ὄντι φίλῳ, τῷ δὲ καὶ κατὰ γένος προσήκοντι. διὰ ταῦθʼ ὕστερον Ἀντώνιος Ὁρτήσιον ἐν Φιλίπποις λαβὼν τῷ μνήματι τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ προσέσφαξε.

Accordingly, when tidings of these events were brought to Macedonia, Brutus felt compelled to write to Hortensius commanding him to kill Caius Antonius, on the plea that he was thus avenging Cicero and Brutus Albinus, one of whom was his friend, and the other his kinsman. For this reason, at a later time, when Antony had captured Hortensius at the battle of Philippi, he slew him on the tomb of his brother.

Βροῦτος δὲ τῆς Κικέρωνος τελευτῆς τῇ αἰτίᾳ φησὶν αἰσχύνεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ πάθει συναλγεῖν, ἐγκαλεῖν δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης φίλοις· δουλεύειν γὰρ αὑτῶν αἰτίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν τυραννούντων, καὶ καρτερεῖν ὁρῶντας καὶ παρόντας ἃ μηδʼ ἀκούειν αὐτοῖς ἀνεκτὸν ἦν.

Brutus, however, says that he felt more shame at the cause of Cicero’s death than grief at the event itself, and threw the blame upon his friends at Rome. He said their servitude was due to themselves rather than to their tyrants, and that they consented to be eyewitnesses of things of which they ought not even to hear.

περαιώσας δὲ τὸν στρατὸν εἰς Ἀσίαν ἤδη λαμπρὸν ὄντα, ναυτικὸν μὲν ἐξηρτύετο στόλον ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ καὶ περὶ Κύζικον, πεζῇ δʼ αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν καθίστατο τὰς πόλεις καὶ τοῖς δυνάσταις ἐχρημάτιζε, καὶ πρὸς Κάσσιον ἔπεμπεν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου μετακαλῶν·

He now crossed into Asia with his army, which was already a splendid one, and equipped a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicus, while he himself, proceeding by land, settled the affairs of the cities and gave audiences to the potentates of the country. He also sent to Cassius in Syria, recalling him from his expedition to Egypt;

οὐ γὰρ ἀρχὴν κτωμένους αὐτοῦς, ἀλλʼ ἐλευθεροῦντας τὴν πατρίδα τὴν δύναμιν, ᾗκαταλύσουσι τοὺς τυράννους, συνάγοντας πλανᾶσθαι·

for it was not to win empire for themselves, he said, but to give liberty to their country, that they were wandering about and collecting forces with which to overthrow the tyrants;

δεῖν οὖν μεμνημένους καὶ φυλάττοντας τὴν ὑπόθεσιν μὴ μακρὰν ἀπηρτῆσθαι τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖσε σπεύδειν καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς πολίταις.

they must therefore keep their purpose carefully in mind and not get far removed from Italy, but rather hasten thither and give aid to their countrymen.

ὑπακούσαντος δὲ τοῦ Κασσίου καὶ καταβαίνοντος ἀπήντα καὶ περὶ Σμύρναν ἀλλήλοις ἐνετύγχανον ἀφʼ οὗ πρῶτον ἐν Πειραιεῖ χωρισθέντες ὥρμησαν ὁ μὲν εἰς Συρίαν, ὁ δὲ εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

Cassius obeyed, and as he was returning, Brutus went to meet him. Their interview at Smyrna was the first they had had since they parted at Piraeus and set out, the one for Syria, the other for Macedonia.

ἦν οὖν ἡδονή τε μεγάλη καὶ θάρσος αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς παρούσης ἑκατέρῳ δυνάμεως. ὁρμήσαντες γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ὅμοια φυγάδων τοῖς ἀτιμοτάτοις ἀχρήματοι καὶ ἄνοπλοι, μὴ ναῦν ἑνήρη, μὴ στρατιώτην ἕνα, μὴ πόλιν ἔχοντες, οὐ πολλοῦ πάνυ χρόνου διαγενομένου συνῆλθον εἰς ταὐτό καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ καὶ ἵπποις καὶ χρήμασιν ἀξιόμαχοι διαγωνίσασθαι περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ὄντες.

They therefore derived great pleasure and courage from the forces which each now had. For they had set out from Italy like the most wretched of exiles, without money, without arms, having not a ship equipped with oars, not a single soldier, not a city; but before very long they had met, having a fleet, an army of foot and horse, and money, which made them worthy antagonists in the struggle for supremacy at Rome.

ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ἴσον ἔχειν τιμῆς καὶ παρέχειν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἔφθανε δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ὡς τὰ πολλὰ φοιτῶν πρὸς αὐτόν ἡλικίᾳ τε προὔχοντα καὶ σώματι πονεῖν ὁμοίως μὴ δυναμένῳ χρώμενον.

Now, Cassius was desirous that Brutus and he should have equal honour, but Brutus forestalled this by coming to him generally, since he was an older man and unable to endure the same amount of hardship.

ἦν δὲδόξα Κάσσιον μὲν εἶναι δεινὸν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, ὀργῇ δὲ τραχὺν καὶ φόβῳ μᾶλλον ἄρχοντα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συνήθεις ὑγρότερον τῷγελοίῳ καὶ φιλοσκώπτην·

Cassius had the reputation of being an able soldier, but harsh in his anger, and with an authority based largely on fear, although with his familiars he was rather prone to laughter and fond of banter.

Βροῦτον δὲ λέγουσι διʼ ἀρετὴν φιλεῖσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν, ἐρᾶσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων, θαυμάζεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων, μισεῖσθαι δὲ μηδʼ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὅτι πρᾷος ὁ ἀνὴρ διαφερόντως καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὀργὴν καὶ ἡδονὴν καὶ πλεονεξίαν ἀπαθής, ὄρθιον δὲ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἄκαμπτον ἑστῶσαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου διαφυλάττων.

But the virtues of Brutus, as we are told, made him beloved by the multitude, adored by his friends, admired by the nobility, and not hated even by his enemies. For he was remarkably gentle and large-minded, free from all anger, pleasurable indulgence, and greed, and kept his purpose erect and unbending in, defence of what was honourable and just.

καὶ μέγιστον ὑπῆρχεν αὐτῷ πρὸς εὔνοιαν καὶ δόξαν ἡ τῆς προαιρέσεως πίστις. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ μέγας Πομπήϊος, εἰ Καίσαρα καθεῖλεν, ἠλπίζετο βεβαίως προήσεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις τὴν δύναμιν, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ τὰ πράγματα καθέξειν, ὑπατείας ὀνόματι καὶ δικτατορίας ἤ τινος ἄλλης μαλακωτέρας ἀρχῆς παραμυθούμενος τὸν δῆμον·

And the strongest reason for the favour and fame which he achieved was the confidence felt in his principles. For no one had expected that Pompey the Great, if he overthrew Caesar, would insist on dismissing his forces in obedience to the laws, but all thought that he would continue to retain his power, appeasing the people by using the name of consulship or dictatorship or some other less obnoxious form of government.

Κάσσιόν δὲ τοῦτον, σφοδρὸν ἄνδρα καὶ θυμοειδῆ καὶ πολλαχοῦ πρὸς τὸ κερδαλέον ἐκφερόμενον τοῦ δικαίου, παντὸς μᾶλλον ᾤοντο πολεμεῖν καὶ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὑτῷ τινα δυναστείαν κατασκευαζόμενον, οὐκ ἐλευθερίαν τοῖς πολίταις.

And now it was thought that Cassius, vehement and passionate man that he was, and often swept from the path of justice by his passion for gain, was incurring the perils of wars and wanderings principally to establish some great power for himself, and not liberty for his countrymen.

τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἔτι τούτων πρεσβύτερα, Κίνναι καὶ Μάριοι καὶ Κάρβωνες, ἆθλον ἐν μέσῳ καὶ λείαν προθέμενοι τὴν πατρίδα, μονονουχὶ ῥητῶς ὑπὲρ τυραννίδος ἐπολέμησαν.

For the men of a still earlier time than Pompey and Cassius, men like Cinna and Marius and Carbo, made their country the booty or prize round which they fought, and they all but confessed that they waged war to establish a tyranny.

Βρούτῳ δὲ λέγουσι μηδὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς προσβάλλειν τοιαύτην δμεαβολήν, ἀλλʼ Ἀντωνίου γε καὶ πολλοὺς ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντος ὡς μόνον οἴοιτο Βροῦτον ἐπιθέσθαι Καίσαρι προαχθέντα τῇ λαμπρότητι καὶ τῷ φαινομένῳ καλῷ τῆς πράξεως, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα συστῆναι μισοῦντας καὶ φθονοῦντας.

But Brutus, we are told, was not accused even by his enemies of such a departure from his principles; nay, Antony at least, in the hearing of many, declared that in his opinion Brutus was the only conspirator against Caesar who was impelled by the splendour and by what seemed to him the nobility of the enterprise, whereas the rest banded together against the man because they envied and hated him.

ὅθεν Βροῦτος οὐ τῇ δυνάμει τοσοῦτον ὅσον τῇ ἀρετῇ δῆλός ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν γράφει πεποιθώς.

Wherefore Brutus relied not so much on his armies as on his virtuous cause, as is clear from his letters.

γράφει δὲ πρὸς Ἀττικόν ἤδη τῷ κινδύνῳ πλησιάζων ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς τύχης εἶναι τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν ἢ γὰρ νικήσας ἐλευθερώσειν τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ἢ δουλείας ἀποθανὼν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι· καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοῖς καὶ βεβαίως ἐχόντων ἓν ἄδηλον εἶναι, πότερον βιώσονται μετʼ ἐλευθερίας ἢ τεθνήξονται.

When he was already nearing the perilous crisis, he wrote to Atticus that his cause had the fairest outlook that fortune could bestow, for he would either conquer and give liberty to the Roman people, or die and be freed from slavery; and that amid the general security and safety of their lot one thing only was uncertain, namely, whether they were to live as freemen or die.

Μᾶρκον δʼ Ἀντώνιον ἀξίαν φησὶ τῆς ἀνοίας διδόναι δίκην, ὃς ἐν Βρούτοις καὶ Κασσίοις καὶ Κάτωσι συναριθμεῖσθαι δυνάμενος προσθήκην ἑαυτὸν Ὀκταβίῳ δέδωκε·

He says also that Mark Antony was paying a fitting penalty for his folly, since, when it was in his power to be numbered with such men as Brutus and Cassius and Cato, he had given himself to Octavius as a mere appendage;

κἂν μὴ νῦν ἡττηθῇ μετʼ ἐκείνου, μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐκείνῳ μαχεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἀποθεσπίσαι καλῶς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἔοικεν.

and that if he should not now be defeated with him, in a little while he would be fighting him. Herein, then, he seems to have been an excellent prophet.

English translation by Bernadotte Perrin (1918). Original text: Bernadotte Perrin (ed. and trans.), Plutarch's Lives, vol. 6, Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, 1918 (Greek text as digitised by Perseus).

Greek text and translation from the Perseus Digital Library, Tufts University, CC BY-SA 4.0 (Perseus Digital Library); translation public domain. Introductions, summaries and notes © GreekMythology.com.