Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν δὴ Πολυχάρους τε ἕνεκα οὐκ ἐκδοθέντος σφίσι καὶ διὰ τὸν Τηλέκλου φόνον, καὶ πρότερον ἔτι ὑπόπτως ἔχοντες διὰ τὸ Κρεσφόντου κακούργημα ἐς τὸν κλῆρον, πολεμῆσαι λέγουσι· Μεσσήνιοι δὲ περὶ Τηλέκλου ἀντιλέγουσι τὰ εἰρημένα ἤδη μοι καὶ Αἴπυτον τὸν Κρεσφόντου συγκαταχθέντα ἀποφαίνουσιν ὑπὸ Ἀριστοδήμου τῶν παίδων, ὃ μήποτʼ ἂν ποιῆσαι σφᾶς Κρεσφόντῃ γε ὄντας διαφόρους.
Πολυχάρην δὲ ἐκδοῦναι μὲν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ Λακεδαιμονίοις οὔ φασιν, ὅτι μηδὲ ἐκεῖνοι σφίσιν Εὔαιφνον, ἐθέλειν μέντοι παρὰ Ἀργείοις συγγενέσιν οὖσιν ἀμφοτέρων ἐν Ἀμφικτυονίᾳ διδόναι δίκας, ἐπιτρέπειν δὲ καὶ τῷ Ἀθήνῃσι δικαστηρίῳ, καλουμένῳ δὲ Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ, ὅτι δίκας τὰς φονικὰς τὸ δικαστήριον τοῦτο ἐδόκει δικάζειν ἐκ παλαιοῦ.
Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ οὐ διὰ ταῦτα πολεμῆσαί φασιν, ὑπὸ πλεονεξίας δὲ τῇ σφετέρᾳ τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι καὶ ἄλλα ἐργάσασθαι, προφέροντες μέν σφισι τὰ Ἀρκάδων, προφέροντες δὲ καὶ τὰ Ἀργείων, ὡς οὔποτε ἐσχήκασι κόρον ἀποτεμνόμενοι τῆς χώρας αἰεί τι ἑκατέρων· Κροίσῳ τε αὐτοῖς δῶρα ἀποστείλαντι γενέσθαι φίλους βαρβάρῳ πρώτους, ἀφʼ οὗ γε τούς τε ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ κατεδουλώσατο Ἕλληνας καὶ ὅσοι Δωριεῖς ἐν τῇ Καρικῇ κατοικοῦσιν ἠπείρῳ.
ἀποφαίνουσι δὲ καὶ ἡνίκα οἱ Φωκέων δυνάσται τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς κατειλήφασιν, ἰδίᾳ τε κατὰ ἄνδρα τοὺς βασιλεύοντας ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς ἐπʼ ἀξιώματος καὶ κοινῇ τῶν τε ἐφόρων τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν γερουσίαν μετασχόντας τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ. πρό τε δὴ πάντων, ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους κέρδους ἕνεκα ὀκνήσαντας, τὴν συμμαχίαν ὀνειδίζουσί σφισι τὴν πρὸς Ἀπολλόδωρον τὸν ἐν Κασσανδρείᾳ τυραννήσαντα.
ἀνθʼ ὅτου δὲ Μεσσήνιοι τὸ ὄνειδος ἥγηνται τοῦτο οὕτω πικρόν, οὔ μοι τῷ λόγῳ τῷ παρόντι ἦν ἐπεισάγεσθαι· ὅτι γὰρ μὴ τῶν Μεσσηνίων τὸ εὔψυχον καὶ χρόνου μῆκος ὃν ἐπολέμησαν διάφορα ἐγένετο τῆς Ἀπολλοδώρου τυραννίδος, ἔς γε τὰς συμφορὰς οὐ πολλῷ τινι ἀποδέοι ἂν ἃ οἱ Κασσανδρεῖς πεπόνθασι.
ταῦτα μὲν δὴ αἴτια ἑκάτεροι τοῦ πολέμου γενέσθαι λέγουσι· τότε δὲ πρεσβεία Λακεδαιμονίων ἥκουσα ἐξῄτει Πολυχάρην. οἱ δὲ τῶν Μεσσηνίων βασιλεῖς τοῖς μὲν πρέσβεσιν ἀπεκρίναντο ὅτι βουλευσάμενοι μετὰ τοῦ δήμου τὰ δόξαντα ἐπιστελοῦσιν ἐς Σπάρτην, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐκείνων ἀπελθόντων ἐς ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς πολίτας συνῆγον. αἱ δὲ γνῶμαι διάφοροι παρὰ πολὺ ἐγίνοντο, Ἀνδροκλέους μὲν ἐκδιδόναι Πολυχάρην ὡς ἀνόσιά τε καὶ πέρα δεινῶν εἰργασμένον· Ἀντίοχος δὲ ἄλλα τε ἀντέλεγε καὶ τὸ ἁπάντων οἴκτιστον, εἰ Πολυχάρης ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς πείσεται τοῖς Εὐαίφνου, καταριθμούμενος ὅσα καὶ οἷα ἦν ἀνάγκη παθεῖν.
τέλος δὲ ἐς τοσοῦτο προήχθησαν οἵ τε Ἀνδροκλεῖ καὶ οἱ τῷ Ἀντιόχῳ συσπεύδοντες ὥστε καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἔλαβον. οὐ μὴν ἐς μακράν γε προῆλθέ σφισιν ἡ μάχη· περιόντες γὰρ ἀριθμῷ καὶ πολὺ οἱ σὺν Ἀντιόχῳ τόν τε Ἀνδροκλέα καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν τοὺς λόγου μάλιστα ἀξίους ἀποκτείνουσιν. Ἀντίοχος δὲ βασιλεύων ἤδη μόνος ἔπεμπεν ἐς Σπάρτην ὡς ἐπιτρέπειν ἐθέλοι τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἃ ἤδη λέλεκταί μοι· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ οὐ λέγονται τοῖς κομίσασι τὰ γράμματα ἀποκρίνασθαι.
μησὶ δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον Ἀντιόχου τελευτήσαντος Εὐφαὴς ὁ Ἀντιόχου παρέλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ οὔτε κήρυκα ἀποστέλλουσι προεροῦντα Μεσσηνίοις πόλεμον οὔτε προαπειπάμενοι τὴν φιλίαν, κρύφα δὲ καὶ μάλιστα ὡς ἐδύναντο ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ παρασκευασάμενοι, προομνύουσιν ὅρκον μήτε τοῦ πολέμου μῆκος, ἢν μὴ διʼ ὀλίγου κριθῇ, μήτε τὰς συμφοράς, εἰ μεγάλαι πολεμοῦσι γένοιντο, ἀποστρέψειν σφᾶς πρὶν ἢ κτήσαιντο χώραν τὴν Μεσσηνίαν δοριάλωτον.
ταῦτα προομόσαντες ἔξοδον νύκτωρ ἐποιοῦντο ἐπὶ Ἄμφειαν, Ἀλκαμένην τὸν Τηλέκλου τῆς στρατιᾶς ἡγεμόνα ἀποδείξαντες. ἡ δὲ Ἄμφεια πρὸς τῇ Λακωνικῇ πόλισμα ἦν ἐν τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ, μεγέθει μὲν οὐ μέγα, ἐπὶ λόφου δὲ ὑψηλοῦ κείμενον, καὶ ὑδάτων πηγὰς εἶχεν ἀφθόνους· ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ἐς τὸν πάντα πόλεμον ὁρμητήριόν σφισιν ἐπιτήδειον ἡ Ἄμφεια εἶναι. καὶ τό τε πόλισμα αἱροῦσι πυλῶν ἀνεῳγμένων καὶ φυλακῆς οὐκ ἐνούσης καὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων τοὺς ἐγκαταληφθέντας φονεύουσι, τοὺς μὲν ἔτι ἐν ταῖς εὐναῖς, τοὺς δὲ ὡς ᾔσθοντο πρός τε ἱερὰ θεῶν καὶ βωμοὺς καθημένους ἱκέτας· ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ οἱ διαφυγόντες ἐγένοντο.
ταύτην Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρώτην ἐπὶ Μεσσηνίους ἔξοδον ἐποιήσαντο ἔτει δευτέρῳ τῆς ἐνάτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν Ξενοδόκος Μεσσήνιος ἐνίκα στάδιον· Ἀθήνῃσι δὲ οὐκ ἦσάν πω τότε οἱ τῷ κλήρῳ κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρχοντες· τοὺς γὰρ ἀπὸ Μελάνθου, καλουμένους δὲ Μεδοντίδας, κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἀφείλοντο ὁ δῆμος τῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ πολὺ καὶ ἀντὶ βασιλείας μετέστησαν ἐς ἀρχὴν ὑπεύθυνον, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ προθεσμίαν ἐτῶν δέκα ἐποίησαν αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς. τότε δὲ ὑπὸ τὴν κατάληψιν τῆς Ἀμφείας Αἰσιμίδης Ἀθηναίοις ἦρχεν ὁ Αἰσχύλου πέμπτον ἔτος.
So the Lacedaemonians say that they went to war because Polychares was not given up to them, and on account of the murder of Teleclus; moreover, their suspicions, they say, had been previously roused by the fraud of Cresphontes touching the lots. With regard to Teleclus the Messenians urge the counter-plea which I have mentioned, and they show that the sons of Aristodemus helped to restore Aepytus, son of Cresphontes, which they would never have done if they had been on bad terms with Cresphontes. As to Polychares, they say that they did not give him up to the Lacedaemonians to punish, because neither did the Lacedaemonians give up Euaephnus to them; but they say that they were willing either to be tried by their common kinsmen, the Argives, in an assembly of the league, or to refer the case to the court of the Areopagus at Athens, because that court was believed to have tried cases of manslaughter from of old. They affirm, too, that the Lacedaemonians did not go to war for the reasons alleged, but that their designs on Messenia, like more of their doings, were prompted by sheer greed, casting up against them their insatiable encroachments on the territories both of Arcadia and Argos. They also reproach the Lacedaemonians with having been the first who, in consideration of presents received from him, made friends with the barbarian Croesus, after he had enslaved all the Greeks of Asia and more especially the Dorians of the mainland of Caria. They show, too, that when the Phocian chiefs seized the sanctuary at Delphi, the kings and every man of rank at Sparta individually, and the board of ephors and the Senate collectively, got a share of the treasures of the god. And above all, to prove that the Lacedaemonians would stick at nothing in the pursuit of lucre, they twit them with the alliance which they formed with Apollodorus, the tyrant of Cassandrea. Why the Messenians think this last reproach so galling, it would be foreign to my subject to relate. The people of Cassandrea suffered nearly as much as the Messenians, but there is nothing in the tyranny of Apollodorus to match the high spirit of the Messenians and the length of time during which they maintained the struggle. These, then, are the causes alleged by either people for the war. 2. A Lacedaemonian embassy now repaired to Messenia and demanded the surrender of Polychares. The Messenian kings answered the ambassadors that they would consult with the people and report their decision to Sparta. So when the embassy had taken its leave the kings convened an assembly of the burghers. Opinions were very much divided. Androcles was for surrendering Polychares as a criminal of the deepest dye. He was opposed by Antiochus, who insisted especially how pitiful it would be if Polychares should have to suffer under the eyes of Euaephnus, and he detailed all the torments he would have to endure. At last the debate waxed so hot that both sides flew to arms. But the fight did not last long, for Antiochus’ side far outnumbered Androcles’ side, and soon knocked him and his chief supporters on the head. Antiochus now reigned alone, and sent to Sparta offering to leave the case to the courts I have mentioned. To the bearers of this letter the Lacedaemonians are said to have vouchsafed no reply.
Not many months afterwards Antiochus died, and Euphaes, his son, reigned in his stead. The Lacedaemonians neither declared war on the Messenians by mouth of herald, nor openly renounced their friendship; but having made their preparations with the utmost possible secrecy, they began by swearing an oath that neither for the length of the war, if it should be protracted, nor for the calamities it might entail, great as these might be, would they swerve to the right hand or to the left till by their good swords they had made Messenia their own. After taking this oath they marched out by night against Amphea: the command of the army was entrusted to Alcamenes, son of Teleclus. Amphea was a town in Messenia, on the borders of Laconia: it was a small town, but stood on a high hill, and was supplied with copious springs of water ; and in other respects it promised to be a suitable base of operations in the war. The gates were open and there was no garrison within the walls ; so they carried the town, and slaughtered all the Messenians whom they caught in it, some in their beds, some in the sanctuaries and beside the altars, to which at the first alarm they had fled for refuge. There were few that escaped.
This was the first attack that the Lacedaemonians made on Messenia: it befell in the second year of the ninth Olympiad, in which Xenodocus, a Messenian, won the foot-race. At that time the annual archons elected by lot did not yet exist at Athens; for at first the people only stript the descendants of Melanthus, the Medontids, as they were called, of most of their power, and transformed them from kings into responsible magistrates ; but afterwards they also fixed a period of ten years as the term of their magistracy. At the time that Amphea was taken, Aesimides, son of Aeschylus, was archon at Athens, in the fifth year of his office.
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